de l’Ancien Régime d’après les sources notariales (1770–1789),» Bulletin de la Société d’Histoire de la Guadeloupe, nos. 63–64 (1985): 52–53; S. D. Smith, Slavery, Family, and Gentry Capitalism in the British Atlantic: The World of the Lascelles, 1648–1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 284. Кратон и Гринлэнд приводят частоту естественной убыли (смерти минус рождения) в 2 % на 1783 год. Michael J. Craton and Garry Greenland, Searching for the Invisible Man: Slaves and Plantation Life in Jamaica (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), 85.
84 Karol K.Weaver, «‘She Crushed the Child’s Fragile Skull’: Disease, Infanticide, and Enslaved Women in Eighteenth-Century Saint-Domingue,» French Colonial History 5 (2004): 94.
85 Richard B.Sheridan, Doctors and Slaves: A Medical and Demographic History of Slavery in the British West Indies, 1680–1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 238; Ward, British West Indian Slavery, 16.
86 Parker, The Sugar Barons, 208.
87 Selwyn H.H.Carrington, The Sugar Industry and the Abolition of the Slave Trade, 1775–1810 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002), 73; Bryan Edwards, The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British Colonies in the West Indies.
88 Richard S.Dunn, «The English Sugar Islands and the Founding of South Carolina,» South Carolina Historical Magazine 101, no. 2 (2000): 142–144, 146.
89 О биографии Кристофера Кодрингтона III см.: James C.Brandow, Genealogies of Barbados Families: From Caribbeana and the Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society (Baltimore, MD: Genealogical Publishing, 2001), 222–224.
90 Jean Baptiste Labat and John Eaden, The Memoirs of Pere Labat, 1693–1738 (London: Constable, 1931), 214.
91 Daniel Defoe, The Complete English Tradesman, etc., 2nd ed., vol. 1 (London: Printed for Charles Rivington at the Bible and Crown in St. Paul’s Church-yard, 1727), 316.
92 T.G.Burnard, «‘Prodigious Riches’: The Wealth of Jamaica before the American Revolution,» Economic History Review 54, no. 3 (2001): 508.
93 Smith, Lascelles, 102–118.
94 Parker, The Sugar Barons, 265.
95 Alex van Stipriaan, «Debunking Debts: Image and Reality of a Colonial Crisis: Suriname at the End of the 18th Century,» Itinerario 19, no. 1 (1995): 75; Smith, Lascelles, 106; Bram Hoonhout, Borderless Empire: Dutch Guiana in the Atlantic World (1750–1800) (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2020), 50, 169.
96 Smith, Lascelles, 104; Hoonhout, Borderless Empire, 170.
97 Klas Rönnbäck, «Governance, Value-Added and Rents in Plantation Slavery-Based Value-Chains,» Slavery and Abolition 42, no. 1 (2021): 133.
98 Smith, Lascelles, 77–78, chap. 6.
99 S.D.Smith, «Gedney Clarke of Salem and Barbados: Transatlantic Super Merchant,» New England Quarterly 76, no. 4 (2003): 540–541.
100 Amy Frost, «The Beckford Era,» in Fonthill Recovered: A Cultural History, ed. Caroline Dakers (London: UCL Press, 2018), 63–64.
101 Richard B.Sheridan, «The Wealth of Jamaica in the Eighteenth Century,» Economic History Review 18, no. 2 (1965): 308–309; Lillian Margery Penson, The Colonial Agents of the British West Indies: A Study in Colonial Administration, Mainly in the Eighteenth Century… (London: F. Cass, 1971), 228; Richard B.Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery (Aylesbury, England: Ginn, 1976), 60. См. также: Andrew J.O’Shaughnessy, «The Formation of a Commercial Lobby: The West India Interest, British Colonial Policy and the American Revolution,» Historical Journal 40, no. 1 (1997): 71–95.
102 Речь о фильме, вышедшем в 2019 году, а не о сиквеле, снятом в 2022-м.
103 Carrington, The Sugar Industry, 70–72.
104 David Richardson, «Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age,’» Slavery&Abolition 26, no. 1 (2005): 48–49.
105 Madge Dresser, «Squares of Distinction, Webs of Interest: Gentility, Urban Development and the Slave Trade in Bristol c. 1673–1820,» Slavery&Abolition 21, no. 3 (2000): 31–32; David Pope, «The Wealth and Social Aspirations of Liverpool’s Slave Merchants of the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century,» in Liverpool and Transatlantic Slavery, ed. David Richardson, Anthony Tibbles, and Suzanne Schwarz (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2007), 170.
106 Цифра в триста тысяч рабов основана на предполагаемой производительности раба в Вест-Индии, оцененной в пятьсот килограммов сахара, и на реальном импорте из Вест-Индии, составившем примерно 150 000 тонн за первые пять лет XIX века. См.: Selwyn H.H.Carrington, «‘Econocide’ – Myth or Reality? – The Question of West Indian Decline, 1783–1806,» Boletín de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe, no. 36 (1984): 2; Ward, British West Indian Slavery, 91.
107 Rönnbäck, «Governance,» 144.
108 Эти слова о жернове впоследствии повторяли некоторые историки. Robert Paul Thomas, «The Sugar Colonies of the Old Empire: Profit or Loss for Great Britain?» Economic History Review 21, no. 1 (1968): 37. По словам Коэльо, «Расходы на британские колонии [в Британской Вест-Индии] были вызваны потребителями сахара и плательщиками налогов». Philip R.P.Coelho, «The Profitability of Imperialism: The British Experience in the West Indies 1768–1772,» Explorations in Economic History 10, no. 3 (1973): 278.
109 J.F.Wright, «The Contributions of Overseas Savings to the Funded National Debt of Great Britain, 1750–1815,» Economic History Review 50, no. 4 (1997): 658.
110 Joseph E.Inikori, «Slavery and the Development of Industrial Capitalism in England,» Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17, no. 4 (1987): 778–781, 788–789; Ralph Davis, «English Foreign Trade, 1660–1700,» Economic History Review 7, no. 2 (1954): 291–292.
111 Barbara L.Solow, «Caribbean Slavery and British Growth,» Journal of Development Economics 17, nos. 1–2 (1985): 111.
112 См.: Guillaume Daudin, «Profitability of Slave and Long-Distance Trading in Context: The Case of Eighteen-Century France,» Journal of Economic History 64, no. 1 (2004): 144–171.
113 См., например: Aaron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, «The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change, and Economic Growth,» American Economic Review 95, no. 3 (2005): 546–579.
114 См.: Ronald Findlay, «‘The Triangular Trade’ and the Atlantic Economy of the Eighteenth Century: A Simple General-Equilibrium Model,» Essays in International France No. 177, Princeton University, International Finance Section, Department of Economics, 1990; Knick Harley, «Slavery, the British Atlantic Economy, and the Industrial Revolution,» in The Caribbean and the Atlantic World Economy: Circuits of Trade, Money and Knowledge, 1650–1914, ed. Adrian Leonard and David Pretel (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 173–174.
115 Guillaume Daudin, Commerce et prospérité: La France au XVIII siècle (Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne, 2005), 367–368. Величина в 9 % основана на предположении о том, что 75 % французского реэкспорта внеевропейских импортируемых товаров приходило с Французских Антильских островов.
116 Эта приблизительная оценка основана
